Research report · v1.0 · 11 October 2026
Capital in Motion: elections, institutional stability and international capital flows, 2015–2026
Summary
We test whether national elections, institutional quality and global financial conditions change cross-border capital flows in 108 economies (quarterly) and 121 economies (annual) between 2015 and 2025. Flows are IMF balance-of-payments data under the BPM6 manual. Gross inflows are new liabilities to non-residents; gross outflows are new foreign assets acquired by residents. Election dates are triangulated across Wikipedia's national electoral calendars, International IDEA and V-Dem.
Pre-registered result. Gross inflows and outflows do not change in the two-quarter window covering the election quarter and the quarter before it. Institutions, development level and asset class do not change that conclusion. All four primary tests have Holm-adjusted p = 1.00.
Two patterns sit outside the confirmatory tests. After elections, gross inflows and outflows fall together by about 1.4 pp of GDP while net flows stay flat. That pattern is directionally stable but statistically fragile. When the window is narrowed to the election quarter alone, matching the closest prior IMF study, inflows to emerging and developing economies fall by about 2.15 pp of GDP, roughly a third of their average level. That result passes a placebo test and seasonality controls, but it was specified after the main results were known.
Question and hypotheses
The push–pull framework explains capital flows by global factors and domestic fundamentals, and rarely includes dated political events. Firms delay irreversible investment around elections (Julio & Yook, 2012), US multinationals' FDI to foreign affiliates dips before host-country elections (Julio & Yook, 2016), and an IMF working paper finds gross private inflows to 38 emerging markets fall around elections, 1990–2020 (Arakelyan & Evdokimova, 2025). We asked whether this holds in a broader and more recent sample.
- H1a / H1b: gross inflows / outflows differ in the pre-election window.
- H2: the association varies with rule of law (fixed at 2014).
- H3: responses differ across FDI, portfolio equity, portfolio debt and other investment.
- H5: exposure to global risk (VIX) varies with rule of law, reserve cover and short-term debt.
- H6: the association differs between advanced and emerging/developing economies.
Data
The country universe follows a fixed rule: World Bank-listed, population of at least 1 million in 2014, complete gross flows for at least 9 of 11 years, and a 2014 governance score. Of 196 candidates, 121 qualify annually (33 advanced, 88 emerging/developing) and 108 quarterly (33 and 75). No country was added or removed by hand.
Election dates needed three sources. International IDEA records about half of recent elections with the year only, so Wikipedia's national electoral calendars supply exact dates and each contest must be confirmed by IDEA or V-Dem to enter the analysis. That leaves 282 executive-relevant elections in 2015–2025: 195 scheduled, 71 early by our rule, 16 unclassified. Validation checks pass: the BPM6 financial-account identity holds within 0.5% of GDP in every country-period, and a full rerun from the archived raw data reproduces every table byte for byte.
Gross capital inflows by component, emerging and developing economies
% of group GDP. Source: IMF BOP; IMF WEO.
Method
The baseline regresses a flow outcome on a pre-election window (the election quarter and the one before) and a post-election window (the two quarters after), with country and quarter fixed effects and the previous year's macroeconomic fundamentals. Controls are lagged so the model does not condition on channels through which elections act, such as exchange-rate moves. Standard errors are clustered by country, and Driscoll–Kraay, two-way clustered and wild-bootstrap inference are reported alongside. Causal language is reserved for scheduled elections, whose timing is fixed years in advance.
Main results
The confidence interval for H1a rules out pre-election effects larger than about 1.6 pp of GDP, about 0.12 of a within-country standard deviation of quarterly inflows. Inference agrees across methods: country-clustered SE 0.73, Driscoll–Kraay 0.45, two-way clustered 0.68.
Heterogeneity
None of the eight institutional measures, from WGI rule of law to V-Dem judicial constraints, significantly changes the pre-election association. In emerging and developing economies alone the pre-window estimate is −0.90 (p = 0.08), against +0.77 in advanced economies, but the difference is not significant (p = 0.39). Components do not differ (joint test p = 0.43). A higher VIX lowers inflows more where 2014 reserve cover was higher (−0.50 pp per standard deviation, p = 0.09), but nothing in the global-risk family survives adjustment. Sudden stops do not predict unrest, early elections or a change of chief executive.
Dynamics
Gross inflows around scheduled executive-relevant elections, all economies
Reference quarter k = −4. 95% intervals clustered by country.
No quarter in the run-up is distinguishable from zero. Inflows dip in the first two quarters after scheduled elections and rebound in the third, which looks like a shift in timing more than a lasting change. A stacked design with clean comparison countries gives mostly negative post-election estimates but with standard errors of 3–5 pp, too wide to settle the question.
Robustness
Across 34 pre-specified tests the pre-election coefficient stays between −0.94 and +0.27 and is never significant at 5%. Dropping any single country moves it between −0.47 and +0.19, and placebo calendars give p = 0.84. The post-election coefficient is negative in every test, between −0.86 and −3.00, but p ranges from 0.014 to 0.27. It loses significance without financial centres, without 2020, and in the balanced panel.
Post-hoc: the election quarter in emerging economies
This analysis was specified after the confirmatory results were known and is logged in the protocol change log.
Arakelyan & Evdokimova (2025) define the event as the election quarter itself and remove official-sector liabilities from inflows. Re-estimating with their window:
Our pre-registered window merged the election quarter with the quarter before, which is slightly positive, so the run-up null and this effect are consistent with each other and with the IMF finding of no run-up decline. What does not replicate is the IMF's headline moderation: low political stability does not deepen the election-quarter decline here (interaction +0.08, p = 0.95). The EMDE result survives a Bonferroni correction for the six post-hoc models, 1,000 placebo calendars and country-by-season fixed effects. It should still be confirmed on new elections with the window fixed in advance.
Limitations
- Quarterly flows are very noisy (within-country SD of 10–20 pp of GDP annualised), so effects smaller than about 0.1 SD cannot be ruled out.
- The executive-relevance and early-election rules are approximations.
- Not coded: election closeness, coalition changes, government-formation delays.
- Only the revised 2026 vintage of the governance indicators is available.
- Not used: UNCTAD greenfield and M&A data, and BIS banking statistics.
- Policy events are derived from data rather than hand-coded, so policy results are exploratory.
Conclusion
In 2015–2025, capital flows do not move in the run-up to elections across this broad sample. The evidence points instead to a decline in emerging-economy inflows at the moment of the vote and a short-lived gross retrenchment afterwards. The institutional cushioning reported before does not appear. These are statements about association and about scheduled election timing under stated assumptions. They do not rank countries or political systems.
Full report with references: report/final_report.md. Protocol: report/research_protocol.md (git tag protocol-v1.0).